What is Alavism: Suuni or Shia?

A detailed exploration of Alavism in Turkey—its history, beliefs, rituals, and evolving identity beyond Sunni and Shia classifications.

Introduction to Alavism

A Pew Research Center report from 2025 indicates that 95% of people in Turkey identify as Muslim, but this figure may not fully capture the country’s religious diversity, particularly concerning groups that do not fit neatly into Sunni or Shia categories. One such significant group in Turkey is the Alavis, whose practices differ from mainstream Islam. They do not worship in mosques, their services do not follow the five daily prayers, and their rituals include sacred music, dance, and communal meals. While they revere Prophet Muhammad’s family, many do not consider themselves Muslim. Historically marginalized, Alavis have become more visible in recent decades, establishing cultural centers, launching TV stations, and participating in public discussions on religion, secularism, and identity.

Defining Alavism

Alavism is a religious tradition expressed within an Islamic framework, often described as a syncretic form of Islam that blends elements of Shiism, Sufism, and local Anatolian folk beliefs. However, the definition of Alavism is debated even among Alavis themselves, as they are not a single homogeneous group but a broad umbrella term encompassing diverse communities with distinct practices, beliefs, and histories. What often unites them is a shared identity as Alavis, frequently defined in contrast to Sunni Islam, the majority religious population in Turkey. Alavis constitute an estimated 15% to 20% of Turkey’s population, with smaller communities in former Ottoman territories like Bulgaria, Iraq, and Syria. Within Turkey, Alavis also exhibit linguistic and ethnic diversity, with approximately two-thirds speaking Turkish and the remaining third belonging to Kurdish communities speaking Kurmanji or Zaza.

Distinguishing Alavism from Alawites

It is important to distinguish Alavis from Alawites, another religious minority group that branched off from Shia Islam centuries ago and is predominantly found in Syria, with a notable population in Turkey, particularly in the southern province of Hatay. While both groups share a reverence for Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad, and the term “Alawi” is derived from the Arabic word “Alawi,” similar to the Turkish “Alevi,” their beliefs and practices differ significantly. Alawites follow a distinct set of beliefs and practices compared to Anatolian Alavis, who are the focus of this discussion.

The Centrality of Ali in Alavism

The name “Alavi” derives from Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad and the fourth Caliph. Ali’s supporters, known as “Shiat Ali” (partisans of Ali), believed he was Muhammad’s rightful successor, a disagreement that led to the major schism between Sunni and Shia Islam. Alavism shares many Shia sensibilities, particularly in honoring Ali and his family, whose image appears in Alavi places of worship and whose name is integrated into their songs and poetry. For many Alavis, Ali is viewed as both the ideal human and a manifestation of the divine, with some considering him and Muhammad as emanations of divine light.

Alavi Religious Leaders and Lineage

Alavis believe their religious leaders, known as “Dedes” (grandfathers), are literal blood descendants of Ali, tracing their lineage through the Twelve Imams of Shia Islam. The Twelve Imams are believed to have inherited Muhammad’s spiritual and political authority. Dedes are seen not just as teachers but as living heirs of sacred knowledge, holding divinely sanctioned authority through their bloodline. This lineage and inherited knowledge place them in a unique custodial role of the Prophet’s revelation.

Alavism and Shia Islam: Similarities and Differences

While Alavis deeply revere Ali and the Twelve Imams, similar to Shia Muslims, and most recognize the Quran as sacred scripture, labeling them strictly as Shia Muslims is misleading. Alavis do not follow Shia law or consider Shia clerics as religious authorities. Unlike 12er Shiism, where trained clerics interpret Islamic law based on the Quran and Hadith, Alavis do not follow a system of jurisprudence. Their Dedes function more like Sufi leaders than Shia legal scholars. Alavism is largely an oral tradition, and its unique texts, such as the “Kitaplar” (instructions attributed to Imam Jafar), are closer to Sufi thought than mainstream Shia theology, written in Turkish and operating outside Hadith literature. Alavis themselves reject the label of Shia Muslims, though many consider themselves Muslim, highlighting Alavism as a distinct tradition with its own practices, texts, and worldview, shaped by Ali but not bound by Shia jurisprudence or clerical authority.

The Influence of Sufism on Alavism

Sufism, the mystical dimension of Islam, has deeply shaped Alavi tradition, although Alavis are not part of a formal Sufi order. A core concept shared with Sufism is “wahdat al-wujud” (unity of existence), taught by Sufi philosopher Ibn Arabi, which posits that God is identical with existence itself and all created things exist through a singular divine reality. This belief reinforces the Alavi idea that spiritual truth is present in all aspects of life, nature, and human relationships. Alavism emphasizes the “batin” (esoteric, hidden meaning) over the “zahir” (exoteric, outward aspects) of religion, a key Sufi element.

The Four Gates of Alavi Spirituality

The Alavi spiritual journey is conceptualized through the doctrine of the “dört kapı” (four gates), representing successive stages towards God:

Shariat (Sharia): The entry point, the outer layer of religion, often seen as the Islam practiced by many Sunnis today (prayer, fasting, alms). Alavis view these as rudimentary methods for approaching God.
Tarikát (Path): Similar to Sufi terminology, this refers to the spiritual path under a teacher’s guidance. Seekers are initiated, learn rituals, symbols, and moral codes, often under a Dede.
Ma’rifet (Gnosis): Meaning “inner knowledge,” this stage involves deep, intuitive understanding gained through spiritual experience, reflection, and self-purification, allowing one to perceive hidden esoteric truths.
Haqiqat (Truth): The final stage where the separation between self and God dissolves, leading to unity with the divine.

Ethical Self-Discipline and the Quran

The Alavi path emphasizes ethical self-discipline and living a moral life, often summarized by the phrase “elin, belin, dilin pak olsun” (keep your hands, waist, and tongue pure). While most Alavis respect the Quran, they believe its true message is hidden in allegory and can only be understood with guidance from spiritual leaders and through inspiration. They hold that the Quran’s apparent meaning was distorted by those in power, with Ali and his descendants preserving its authentic esoteric interpretation. Consequently, Islamic Sharia law plays a marginal role, and formal practices like daily prayer are not emphasized as in Sunni or Shia Islam. Many Alavis do not consider daily prayer, fasting in Ramadan, or pilgrimage to Mecca as required for religious fulfillment, viewing them as rudimentary stages of the spiritual path.

Reverence for Ali and Mystical Symbolism

Ali is venerated as the initiator into the mystical tradition, with a saying attributed to Prophet Muhammad stating, “I am the city of knowledge and Ali is the gate.” Ali is associated with natural forces, likened to the moon with Muhammad as the sun, and connected to the crane, seen as a messenger. The prayer “Nade Ali” (Call on Ali), found in both Alavi and some Anatolian Sufi prayer books, is invoked in times of distress, acknowledging Ali’s ability to bring about the extraordinary and support in calamities. This nature imagery, mystical symbolism, and the cosmic role of Ali have led some to describe Alavism as “Islamized shamanism,” though historians generally view it as a tradition emerging from a medieval Islamic context in Anatolia.

The Ojak System and Oral Tradition

Historically, Alavism was a rural tradition centered around the “Ojak” system, or hearth system, composed of sacred lineages tracing back to the 13th century, led by Dedes who claim descent from Ali, Hussein, and the Twelve Imams. These Ojak families formed a priestly caste, responsible for transmitting Alavi religious knowledge orally and through ritual practice. The “Talibs” (disciples) received spiritual guidance and social leadership from their affiliated Ojaks. Tribal communities formed around these sacred lineages, and Alavi identity was historically inherited through kinship, not solely belief or practice.

Ashuks, Music, and Alavi Poetry

Alavi teachings have been transmitted through poetry and music by wandering bards called “Ashuks.” Accompanied by a long-necked lute called a “saz,” which some Alavis refer to as the “Quran with strings,” Ashuks played a vital role alongside Dedes in the “Cem” ceremony. Alavi poetry, known as “nefes” or “deyiş” (breaths and sayings), conveys history, religious traditions, and theology. These songs, which recount stories of figures like Imam Hussein and praise saints like Bektashi, are integral to Turkish and Kurdish folk heritage, with renowned musicians popularizing this tradition.

The Cem Ceremony and Ritual Kinship

The “Cem” ceremony is the communal heart of Alavi religious life, traditionally held at least annually and involving ritual dances, sacred songs, prayers, and religious messages led by a Dede after a communal meal. Historically, these were not held in mosques but in dedicated homes. The ceremony is considered a symbolic reenactment of the “Kırklar” (gathering of the Forty), an Alavi interpretation of Prophet Muhammad’s ascension, where he united with 39 prophets and saints, including Ali, who led the gathering. The ceremony often culminates in the “Sema,” a circle dance symbolizing unity with God. A unique Alavi practice is “Musahip” or companionship, a ritual pact between two people and their families, creating a kin-like relationship where their children are considered blood relatives and forbidden from marrying.

Historical Marginalization and Modern Re-emergence

The Alavi community has a history of marginalization, including the Seas massacre in 1993 and the naming of the third Bosphorus bridge after Sultan Selim I in 2013, which many Alavis saw as a provocation. Despite this, a cultural awakening occurred in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, with Alavis becoming more public through dedicated community centers (“Cemevis”), TV channels, and publications. This increased visibility has led to ongoing debates within the community about the definition of Alavism, with some viewing it as a branch of Islam, others as a cultural identity, and some as a distinct religion.

Diverse Interpretations of Alavi Identity

Within the Alavi community, there are varying interpretations of their identity. The Cem Vakfı (Cem Foundation) views Alavism as a “Turkman interpretation” of Islam, deeply rooted in Turkish history and articulated through an Islamic framework, emphasizing its ties to Islamic figures and beliefs. In contrast, groups like the Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Associations USA define Alavism as a way of life, a universal philosophy rooted in mysticism and ethics, with less emphasis on traditional Islamic structures. Some Alavis, particularly in the Turkish diaspora in Europe, advocate for Alavism as entirely separate from Islam, with movements like “Alisiz Alevilik” (Alavism without Ali) rejecting any Islamic connection and focusing on a speculative pre-Islamic past. This push for separation has faced criticism from both within the Alavi community and from mainstream Sunni Muslims.

Alavism in Contemporary Turkey

Today, Alavism navigates the complex political landscape of Turkey, dealing with issues of Islamism versus secularism, Kurdish politics, and diaspora relations. While the traditional hierarchical structure of religious life has diminished, new models for leadership are emerging, including formal theological institutions in the diaspora. The fluidity of Alavi identity highlights how religious traditions evolve, and the boundaries between categories like Sunni, Shia, and non-Muslim are not always clear-cut. This complexity challenges conventional understandings of Islam and religion more broadly, raising questions about who defines religion, controls its public image, and whose voices are amplified.

Your Daily Dose of News, Insights, and Global Exploration.